The history of the Awami League in Bangladeshi politics spans more than seven decades. The party's name is deeply intertwined with key chapters of the nation's political history, including the Language Movement, the autonomy movement, the 1970 election, and the 1971 Liberation War. However, the party has simultaneously faced internal divisions, military rule, arrests, political bans, and leadership crises at various times.
Currently, the Awami League is once again navigating one of the greatest political crises in the country. Following the political shift of 2024, the party's activities have been banned and its registration with the Election Commission has been suspended. Consequently, a question has arisen: Will this party with a long political history be able to make an organizational and political comeback, or has the chapter of the Awami League come to an end in Bangladeshi politics?
The roots of the Awami League trace back to the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, established on June 23, 1949. The party was founded at the Rose Garden in Dhaka. Later, at the council in 1955, the word 'Muslim' was dropped from the party's name, and it adopted the name 'Awami League'.
In the 1954 elections, the Awami League achieved significant success as part of the United Front. Subsequently, through movements for language rights, provincial autonomy, and against political and economic discrimination, the party gradually evolved into one of the primary political forces in East Pakistan. The Six-Point Movement, the mass uprising of 1969, and the victory of the Awami League in the 1970 election made the political pathway toward Bangladesh's independence even more explicit.
During the Liberation War in 1971, the Mujibnagar Government was formed under the leadership of the elected representatives of the Awami League. The party's role in the political leadership of the Liberation War is one of the most significant chapters in the state history of Bangladesh.
Following independence, the Awami League government undertook the arduous responsibility of rebuilding a war-torn country. However, economic crisis, the famine of 1974, deteriorating law and order, and political instability placed immense pressure on the government.
Within months, on August 15, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family members were assassinated. Subsequently, on November 3, four national leaders—Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, Captain M. Mansur Ali, and A.H.M. Qamaruzzaman—fell victim to assassination inside the Dhaka Central Jail. As a result, the Awami League was plunged into a severe leadership vacuum.
After 1975, the organizational existence of the Awami League fell into a major crisis. In the political environment of military rule, many party leaders and activists were arrested, several went into underground hiding, and party activities were severely restricted.
During this period, the role of Syeda Zohra Tajuddin was particularly notable. Following the assassination of Bangabandhu, she played a vital role in organizing party activists, communicating with the families of political prisoners, and rebuilding the organizational structure of the Awami League. She played a crucial role in the organizational process at the Awami League council held in Dhaka in April 1977 and subsequently worked nationwide to reconstruct the party.
At this stage, multiple leaders including Abdur Razzaq were released from prison and played a role in reviving the party's organizational activities. Abdur Razzaq served as the general secretary of the Awami League from 1978 to 1981.
Even under the military rule of Ziaur Rahman and subsequently the military rule of Hussain Muhammad Ershad, the Awami League survived as a crucial force in opposition politics.
In the 1979 parliamentary election, the Awami League secured 39 seats. Later, following a long period of exile, Sheikh Hasina returned to the country on May 17, 1981, and assumed the leadership of the Awami League.
The Awami League also played a vital role in the anti-Ershad movement, forming alliances with various opposition political parties to wage campaigns against military rule. Simultaneously, the party faced internal divisions. A faction led by Abdur Razzaq broke away in 1983 to reorganize BAKSAL; later, in 1992, that stream reunited with the Awami League.
In 1996, the Awami League formed the government, and following a landslide victory in the 2008 elections, the party remained in state power for a long duration under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina. Governing continuously from 2009 to 2024 created a new chapter in the political history of the Awami League.
However, political opposition regarding this prolonged tenure gradually intensified. Opposition parties and human rights organizations raised complaints at various times concerning elections, political rights, human rights, and the law and order situation. The Awami League rejected many of these allegations and highlighted the development and stability achieved by their government.
Following the movement in July-August 2024 and the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government, the Awami League fell into an unprecedented political crisis. After Sheikh Hasina left the country, an interim government took charge.
In May 2025, the interim government banned all types of activities of the Awami League. The government stated that this decision was made under national security and anti-terrorism laws. Simultaneously, amendments to the International Crimes Tribunal laws created opportunities to take legal action against political parties and organizations as well. The Awami League rejected this ban, labeling it as illegal.
Subsequently, the Election Commission registration of the Awami League was also suspended. As a result, the party was pushed outside the electoral process. This decision has also sparked debate regarding political participation and inclusion in the upcoming elections of Bangladesh.
The answer to this question depends on current political realities as well as history.
A political party cannot be evaluated solely through specific electoral results or holding power at a given time. In the case of the Awami League, it is observed that after 1975, the party reorganized despite losing a major portion of its leadership; participated in elections during periods of military rule; reunited following internal divisions; and subsequently returned to state power. The major question now is not merely whether 'the Awami League can be eradicated,' but rather how, through which organizational structure, and with what political stance the party might return in the future within Bangladesh's altered political system.
